Harlan Terrace and Chalet-Peyton Woods

The Vanguard of Southwest Atlanta: Harlan Terrace and Chalet-Peyton Woods

Introduction

The history of Harlan Terrace and its adjoining sister neighborhood, Chalet-Peyton Woods (historically developed as Harris Manor and Peyton Woods), represents a profound chapter in the urban development of the American South. Nestled in the wooded, rolling landscape of Southwest Atlanta, these streets originated as part of the affluent, white-only suburban enclaves of the Utoy-Peyton Forest area. In the winter of 1962, the area was thrust into the international spotlight during the infamous “Atlanta Berlin Wall” barricade crisis.

Yet, the true historical significance of Harlan Terrace and Chalet-Peyton Woods lies in the decades that followed. As the neighborhoods integrated, incoming Black homeowners built a formidable, highly organized civic infrastructure. Through the establishment of the Harlan Terrace Community Club (HTCC) and the Chalet-Peyton Woods Community Association, residents forged a powerful coalition that championed local philanthropy, fought against municipal neglect, and spearheaded the economic and infrastructural revitalization of the Martin Luther King Jr. Drive corridor. The evolution of these neighborhoods provides a comprehensive lens through which to view the complex intersections of civil rights, urban planning, and twenty-first-century neighborhood resilience.

Chapter 1: The Architecture of Segregation and the “Stabilization Plan”

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the residential streets of Southwest Atlanta became the primary battleground for housing integration. As Black professionals began purchasing homes in the Cascade corridor, white civic leaders pressured the municipal government to establish physical buffers to contain the expansion.

This push for physical containment was not a spontaneous grassroots reaction, but rather the culmination of a deliberate, decades-long strategy of demographic engineering by the local political establishment. As revealed in the oral history of Fulton County Commissioner Thomas Camp, white conservative leaders experienced a profound shock during the 1946 congressional election when the Black “Ashby Street bloc” provided the decisive votes to elect progressive candidate Helen Douglas Mankin. Camp noted that this realization of Black electoral power rang “like a firebell in the night.” In response, the white political establishment began aggressively weaponizing municipal infrastructure, utilizing expressway bonds and zoning laws to physically displace Black neighborhoods and cordon off white “island suburbs” to contain Black political and residential expansion.¹

The white residents of the Peyton Forest area utilized this exact cartographic strategy to halt the demographic shift in their own backyards. On September 11, 1962, the “Citizens of Peyton-Utoy Forest” submitted a “Proposed Community Stabilization Plan” to Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. The plan explicitly called for the closure of Harlan and Peyton Roads. In exchange, the white citizens proposed a massive, segregated development project to appease the Black community and keep them south of the barricades.²

Maps submitted to the Mayor’s office identified the specific parcels targeted for this segregated buffer. They highlighted a 75-acre tract “Proposed for Sale” and an adjacent 52-acre tract owned by a “Dr. Harris.”³ Dr. J.B. Harris, a prominent Black physician and public minded citizen, had originally purchased the 52 acres on the south side of Gordon Road (now Martin Luther King Jr. Drive) in 1950 with the explicit vision of providing living space for Black Atlantans.⁴

To make the buffer appealing to city planners, white citizens commissioned the architectural firm Cooper, Carry Inc. to draw up schematic designs for a 90-acre “separate but equal” utopia on the Harris and cemetery tracts. The blueprints featured a 30-acre shopping center, 12 acres of high-rise apartments, and 29 acres of garden-type units.⁵ In a profound historical irony, this segregationist blueprint for a high-density buffer of garden apartments perfectly foreshadowed what would eventually be built on that exact spot. The proposed buffer zone would later become the site of the Peyton Place Apartments, a complex that would house the very Black renters who eventually joined forces with local homeowners to organize and defend the neighborhood.

Mayor Allen, who prided himself on a moderate stance, ultimately capitulated to the white neighborhood’s demands for a physical buffer.⁶ On the morning of December 18, 1962, city construction crews erected physical barricades across Peyton Road and Harlan Road.⁷ The barricades, constructed of two-by-twelve-foot wooden beams bolted to steel I-beams and packed with gravel, were designed to physically prevent Black motorists from entering the white sections of the subdivision.⁸

Chapter 2: Resistance and the Fall of the Wall

The backlash to the barricades was immediate and overwhelming. Telegrams flooded the Mayor’s office from the Atlanta Negro Voters League, the All-Citizens Committee for Better City Planning, and the Harlem Anti Colonial Committee in New York, all demanding the removal of what was quickly dubbed the “Atlanta Berlin Wall.”⁹

The Black community quickly mobilized into direct action. Student groups threatened mass demonstrations, and civil rights leaders initiated a highly effective economic boycott against white merchants in the West End.¹⁰ Direct action was also taken on the ground. Late one Friday night in February 1963, unknown parties descended specifically on the Harlan Road barricade, pulling the steel I-beams out of the ground, sawing the heavy wooden timbers in half, and tossing the scraps into a nearby creek.¹¹

However, the legal mechanism that ultimately forced the permanent removal of the Harlan Road barricade contained a profound historical irony. While legendary civil rights attorney Donald L. Hollowell was preparing a massive federal constitutional challenge, the decisive lawsuit was actually filed by a bi-racial coalition of ten Black and white plaintiffs, including residents like L.K. Googer and Harold Johnson, who lived on Harlan Road just north of the barricades.¹²

Googer, Johnson, and their co-plaintiffs sued the City of Atlanta because the physical barricades had severely inconvenienced their daily commutes and constituted an illegal racial barrier.¹³ This hyper-local nuisance lawsuit reached Fulton County Superior Court Judge George P. Whitman Sr., who, on March 1, 1963, ruled that the city’s use of permanent traffic barricades was “unreasonable, arbitrary and capricious.”¹⁴ (Note: For a comprehensive history of the physical barricades, the Black boycotts, and the broader political fallout, see the dedicated history of Peyton Forest and the Peyton Road Wall).

The city’s swift capitulation to this ruling was driven by the pragmatic economic anxieties of the white business elite. As detailed in the oral history of Griffin Bell, who served as Chief of Staff to Governor Ernest Vandiver, the city’s corporate leadership was heavily invested in the “Forward Atlanta” campaign, a public relations strategy designed to brand Atlanta as the “City Too Busy to Hate” to attract national corporate investment. The international embarrassment of the Peyton Wall threatened this visual and legal stability.¹⁵ Furthermore, as state legislator John Greer noted in his own oral history, the white establishment had adopted a strategy of “restructured resistance.” They recognized the necessity of minimal, calculated legal compliance with court orders to avoid catastrophic economic ruin.¹⁶ Consequently, the ruling forced the city to immediately dismantle the barriers without appeal, effectively breaking the city’s segregationist housing defense.

Chapter 3: The Birth of Harris Manor and Chalet-Peyton Woods

The fall of the barricades triggered a rapid demographic transition. White residents, realizing their municipal defenses had failed, quickly listed their homes for sale. By the fall of 1963 and into 1964, the Harlan Road and Harlan Terrace area was rapidly integrating. Real estate firms aggressively marketed the newly opened territory, with Paramount Realty Investment Co. running prominent display ads in the Atlanta Daily World offering “LARGE WOODED LOTS” and urging Black buyers to “Let us Sell or Trade in your Home and Build a New Home.”¹⁷

Simultaneously, the 52-acre Dr. Harris tract—situated directly before where the physical barricades had been erected on Peyton Road—was developed organically into a premier subdivision for Black professionals. The land was purchased from Dr. Harris by a consortium of Black real estate developers that included T.M. Alexander Sr., T.M. Alexander Jr., Dr. Hilliard Alphonso Bowen, and Harold A. Dawson Sr. When the developers discovered that four of their newly acquired lots fronted Peyton Road directly behind the newly erected barricades, Alexander Sr. personally called Mayor Ivan Allen Jr. He informed the mayor that they owned the property behind the wall and fully intended to build homes there. Dawson later described this phone call as a “hint to the wise” that helped force the city to abandon the barricades.¹⁸ Utilizing leapfrog tactics, Black real estate professionals also executed a strategic “flank attack” by purchasing homes on nearby Lynhurst Drive in Lynn Valley, bypassing the barricades entirely.

This bold acquisition coincided with a massive shift in Georgia’s political landscape. As Governor Carl Sanders noted in his oral history, the 1963 Supreme Court decision in Gray v. Sanders abolished the state’s archaic county unit system. This landmark ruling instantaneously shifted political power from rural fiefdoms to urban centers, empowering the Black electorate and providing the political leverage necessary for Black professionals like Dawson and Alexander to assert their economic rights in the city.¹⁹

Following the removal of the wall, Dawson and his partners, operating as Alexander-Dawson & Associates, developed the tract into Harris Manor in 1964 and 1965. Dawson was a towering figure in Atlanta real estate. Born in 1935, he grew up in University Homes, a public housing project where he got his first taste of business running a paper route, selling magazines, and shining brass. A Morehouse College graduate, he began his real estate career in 1957 at Citizens Trust Bank before joining Alexander & Associates in 1960. By 1962, he was serving as president of the newly formed Alexander-Dawson & Associates.²⁰

Dawson and his partners secured financing assistance for Harris Manor from “Atlanta Civic Enterprise,” a coalition of white business leaders concerned about housing for incoming Black professional athletes. This same coalition helped finance the firm’s development of University Plaza Apartments, the first luxury mid-rise building in Atlanta’s Black community, which featured the famous Birdcage Restaurant.

Dawson’s impact extended far beyond physical development. He formed the Harold A. Dawson Company in 1969. From 1970 to 1972, he served as President of the Empire Real Estate Board, fighting for the right of minorities to live and sell in places of their choice. He was instrumental in changing the discriminatory rules that required brokers to belong to the white Atlanta Board of Realtors in order to access the Metro Listing Service. In 1970, Mayor Sam Massell appointed him to the Atlanta-Fulton County Joint Planning and Zoning Board. In 1972, Governor Jimmy Carter appointed Dawson as the first African American to serve on the Georgia Real Estate Commission. He served a record-setting 17 years, eventually becoming its chairman, and later became the first and only Black president of the international Association of Real Estate License Law Officials.²¹

His wife and business partner, Rose Winfrey Dawson, was equally pioneering. Born in 1934, she was a graduate of Morris Brown College and Columbia University, where she received her master’s degree in speech and language pathology. She made history as the first Black special education teacher to teach in the elite, predominantly white enclave of Buckhead. She was also a dedicated philanthropist, serving as co-chairperson of the Educational Task Force for SCLC Women and as a leader in Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, where she collected elephant figurines to honor the sorority’s unofficial symbol. Together, the Dawsons helped shape the physical and cultural landscape of the neighborhood, raising their children, Harold Jr. and Cari, in a home filled with art, music, and a deep commitment to civil rights.²² Their legacy of real estate excellence literally remained in the neighborhood. In 2023, their former home was purchased by a young Black real estate agent named Julian Jackson, who drew direct inspiration from the Dawson family’s trailblazing history, proving that the torch of Black excellence continues to be passed down on these streets.²³

By 1970, D.L. Knox & Associates was heavily advertising the new “Harris Manor Sub-division,” offering custom-built brick homes starting at $23,750 on newly paved streets like Lisa Drive, Harris Manor Drive, and Cativo Drive.²⁴ However, the nomenclature of the area quickly expanded. Real estate records from The Atlanta Journal reveal that throughout the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, homes on these exact same streets, alongside newly platted cul-de-sacs like Peyton Woods Trail and Peyton Woods Court, were heavily marketed under the subdivision name “Peyton Woods.”²⁵

Because these mid-century builders bought up adjacent tracts of woodland and carved out small, overlapping subdivisions, the modern neighborhood is essentially a patchwork quilt of these original developments. It was not until later, as Atlanta established its Neighborhood Planning Unit (NPU) system in the 1970s to better manage local zoning, that the city formally standardized its municipal maps. Recognizing their shared geography and history, these overlapping subdivisions (Harris Manor, Chalet, and Peyton Woods) merged seamlessly with the adjacent, older streets of Harlan Terrace to the north. Today, the residents are organized under the unified civic umbrella of the Chalet-Peyton Woods Community Association, and the area is officially recognized as Chalet-Peyton Woods, a highly sought-after destination for Atlanta’s Black elite.

Chapter 4: Corporate Delinquency vs. Community Investment

The civic pride and financial investment of the incoming Black residents stood in stark contrast to the financial delinquency of the neighborhood’s original corporate developers. The corporate entity “Harlan Terrace, Inc.”, the original holding company for the subdivision, was chronically delinquent on municipal infrastructure bills.

When property owners fail to pay municipal assessments for infrastructure improvements, the city issues a fieri facias (Fi. Fa.), a legal writ authorizing the marshal to levy and sell the property to satisfy the debt. From May 1968 through the fall of 1982, the City of Atlanta repeatedly published Marshal Sale and Tax Sale notices targeting Harlan Terrace, Inc. for unpaid paving and sewer assessments on streets like Harbin Road.²⁶ Incredibly, nearly twenty years after the neighborhood’s initial development and integration, the corporate developers were still defaulting on the very asphalt that paved the subdivision, leaving the residents to maintain the neighborhood’s prestige.

To combat this municipal neglect and foster a strong sense of community, the residents organized. In 1967, neighbors gathered at the home of Mr. and Mrs. Augustus Hogan on Chaucer Drive to officially found the Harlan Terrace Community Club (HTCC).²⁷ Affiliated with the broader Southwest Community Group Inc., the HTCC established a highly structured leadership hierarchy. Over the next decade, the presidency was held by a succession of prominent local figures, including William T. Adams, Huley Dodson Sr., Joseph E. Leonard, Dr. Jacob B. Adams, Col. Issac Freeman, and Carlton W. Gannaway.²⁸

The neighborhood quickly became a vibrant hub of Black social life. The homes along Harris Manor Drive, Cativo Drive, and Fielding Lane hosted lavish events, from sweet sixteen parties and Delta Sigma Theta garden parties to the 50th wedding anniversary celebration of Dr. Charles and Harvie Lee Mason.²⁹

This concentration of professional excellence fueled significant philanthropic endeavors. The HTCC regularly distributed Thanksgiving baskets to families in need and made direct financial contributions to the local Peyton Forest School.³⁰ Most notably, the club became a remarkably consistent donor to the Atlanta Daily World Christmas Cheer Fund. From the early 1970s through the 1990s, under the guidance of presidents ranging from Dr. Jacob B. Adams and Willie Gilstrap to Mrs. Lillie Favors and Mrs. Florence M. Hogan, the HTCC pooled its resources annually to feed the city’s impoverished citizens.³¹

Chapter 5: The Vanguard of Southwest Atlanta

The strength of the community was derived directly from the extraordinary caliber of the professionals who integrated the neighborhood. Eddie Lomax Jr., a World War II Army veteran with degrees from Morehouse College and Clark Atlanta University, became one of the first African American commercial chemists in the Southeast.³² He was deeply committed to Black institutional health, serving on the board of trustees for Southwest Community Hospital. A relentless organizer, he founded a multiple sclerosis support group after his first wife’s diagnosis and later donated $65,000 to the Morehouse science department.³³

Joseph Floyd Leonard Sr. was an equally monumental figure. Also an Army veteran and Morehouse graduate, Leonard began his career as a chemistry teacher before making history in 1975 as the first Black principal of D.M. Therrell High School, a role he held with distinction for 13 years.³⁴ A true renaissance man, Leonard became a licensed stockbroker and real estate agent in retirement. As a founding member of the HTCC, he worked tirelessly with the Neighborhood Planning Unit to advocate for infrastructural improvements, leaving a legacy of steady, thankful service upon his passing in 2025.³⁵

Chapter 6: The Fight for the MLK Corridor

Despite the affluence and civic engagement of its residents, Harlan Terrace, Chalet-Peyton Woods, and the surrounding Southwest Atlanta neighborhoods faced chronic infrastructural neglect from the municipal government in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. The primary battleground became the Martin Luther King Jr. Drive corridor, a major artery that residents felt failed to reflect the dignity of its namesake.

By 2018, the infrastructural decay had reached a critical tipping point. In response, the Harlan Terrace Community Club joined forces with the Chalet-Peyton Woods Community Association to form the MLK Drive Task Force.³⁶ Led by community advocates Iris Gathing and former Fulton County Commissioner Gordon Joyner, the Task Force documented severe flooding hazards, decaying trees, unkept medians, and “raggedy and broken up” sidewalks that forced pedestrians to walk in the street.³⁷

In July 2018, the communities held a combined, overflow meeting to present a unified voice to the City of Atlanta and the Georgia Department of Transportation. “We put them on the front row, and they were shocked at what they saw!” Joyner recalled. Demanding that the MLK corridor be connected to the grand thoroughfare of Westside redevelopment, Gathing stated firmly, “We are holding them accountable to the timetables and promises.”³⁸

Chapter 7: 21st Century Revitalization and Resilience

As the community fought for infrastructural improvements, the neighborhood also had to navigate the complex realities of twenty-first-century urban crime and public safety emergencies. The commercial plazas bordering the neighborhood along MLK Jr. Drive became specific flashpoints, witnessing a string of violent incidents in the early 2020s. In August 2022, a deadly stabbing at a local Texaco spilled over into the Seven Courts Apartments in Harlan Terrace.³⁹ The following year, the Holmes Plaza shopping center was the site of a tragic murder when prominent transgender documentary star Koko Da Doll was fatally shot.⁴⁰ Beyond crime, the neighborhood faced structural emergencies, such as a massive fire in September 2024 at the Martin Manor Apartments that displaced 16 residents.⁴¹

Despite these profound challenges, the relentless advocacy of the HTCC and the Chalet-Peyton Woods Community Association began to yield substantial dividends, transforming the area into a highly desirable, modern urban enclave. Operating as a registered 501(c)(3) organization, the HTCC expanded its scope to include sophisticated urban planning and economic development initiatives.⁴²

This sophisticated urban planning required constant vigilance against unwanted density. For example, in May 2001, when developer Herman Pittman proposed subdividing thirteen lots at 360 Harris Manor near Lisa Drive, the Chalet-Peyton Woods Community Association immediately mobilized. Utilizing their digital neighborhood portals, they directed residents to attend the Neighborhood Planning Unit I (NPU-I) meeting at the Southwest Presbyterian Church on Benjamin E. Mays Drive to publicly express their concerns and protect the structural integrity of their streets.⁴³

The HTCC’s 2026 strategic plan revealed a highly organized corporate structure. To combat the issues plaguing the commercial borders, the club launched “The Dignity Initiative for MLK Corridor,” proposing a massive $95,000 budget for safety and security. They also successfully partnered with the City of Atlanta for a “Small Neighborhood Design” initiative to finally secure funding for improved sidewalks along Peyton Road.⁴⁴

Similarly, the Chalet-Peyton Woods Community Association utilized digital portals to coordinate robust neighborhood defense and social programs. Archival community records reveal that throughout the 2010s, the association actively published monthly newsletters, organized annual block parties and Christmas fellowships, and coordinated neighborhood clean-ups. To combat crime, they implemented the “Village Defense” communication system and mobilized residents for the “Citizens’ Court Watch” program to ensure offenders were held accountable in the judicial system. Their political advocacy remained sharp; in 2010, the association secured a direct meeting with Mayor Kasim Reed at the Adamsville Recreation Center to address local concerns.⁴⁵ The neighborhood successfully integrated modern amenities, boasting a top-notch recreation facility, the “iVillage @ MLK” shipping container village for local entrepreneurs, and access to the Lionel Hampton Trail connecting to the Atlanta Beltline.⁴⁶

This infrastructural and cultural renaissance triggered a significant real estate boom. The legacy of developers like Harold A. Dawson Sr. continued to shape the corridor. In 1994 and 1995, the Dawson Company completed the redevelopment of the Cascade Citi-Center, a $7.5 million project that brought a 100,000 square foot shopping center and a Super Kroger to the area, anchoring the commercial viability of the surrounding neighborhoods.⁴⁷ By 2026, the HTCC reported that the average home price for the neighborhood’s popular single-family houses had reached $440,000, representing a 6.5% year-over-year growth.⁴⁸

Recognizing the dual threat of gentrification and displacement that often accompanies such rapid property value growth, local economic agencies stepped in to preserve affordability. In July 2026, the Invest Atlanta board approved an $11.5 million tax-exempt loan to preserve “Columbia Commons,” a 158-unit multifamily development located within the Harlan Terrace neighborhood.⁴⁹ The $36 million preservation project ensured that the units would remain priced at or below 60% of the Area Median Income, safeguarding housing access for working-class residents amidst the neighborhood’s surging single-family home valuations.⁵⁰

Conclusion

The history of Harlan Terrace and Chalet-Peyton Woods is a profound testament to the power of sustained, generational community organizing. Born from the crucible of the 1960s integration battles, the neighborhoods were cultivated by Black professionals who refused to accept municipal neglect. Through the relentless, decades-long advocacy of the Harlan Terrace Community Club and the Chalet-Peyton Woods Community Association, residents transformed a battleground of segregation into a thriving, economically robust, and civically engaged community that actively shapes its own twenty-first-century destiny.

Bibliography

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1. Camp, Thomas. Oral history interview. Georgia Government Documentation Project, Special Collections and Archives, Georgia State University.
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5. Ivan Allen Jr. Mayoral Records. “Box 17, Folder 11, Complete Folder.” Accessed July 19, 2026.
6. Kruse, Kevin Michael. “White Flight: Resistance to Desegregation of Neighborhoods, Schools and Businesses in Atlanta, 1946-1966.” Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 2000.
7. The Christian Science Monitor. “Street Closings Jar Atlanta: Homeowners Phoned Mayor Prodded.” January 7, 1963.
8. Ivan Allen Jr. Mayoral Records. “Box 17, Folder 11, Complete Folder.” Accessed July 19, 2026.
9. New York Amsterdam News. “Atlanta’s Wall Brings Tension.” January 19, 1963.
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16. Greer, John. Oral history interview. Georgia Government Documentation Project, Special Collections and Archives, Georgia State University.
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18. Dawson, Harold A., Sr. Oral history interview. The HistoryMakers Digital Archive, October 12, 2004.
19. Sanders, Carl. Oral history interview. Georgia Government Documentation Project, Special Collections and Archives, Georgia State University.
20. Dignity Memorial. “Harold Allen Dawson Sr. Obituary.” January 2012; Layman, Tonya. “Harold A. Dawson honored for success, service.” Atlanta Business Chronicle, September 19, 2008.
21. Dignity Memorial. “Harold Allen Dawson Sr. Obituary.” January 2012.
22. Everything But The House (EBTH). “Seller Story: Rose Dawson, Atlanta, GA.” August 2017.
23. Jackson, Julian. Facebook Post. April 14, 2023.
24. Atlanta Daily World. Display Ad 26. March 26, 1970; Atlanta Daily World. Display Ad 20. July 30, 1970.
25. The Atlanta Journal. Classified Advertisements for Peyton Woods. 1971 to 2001.
26. The Atlanta Constitution. “MARSHAL SALE.” May 11, 1968; The Atlanta Constitution. “City of Atlanta Tax Sales for May 1970.” April 11, 1970; The Atlanta Constitution. “CITY OF ATLANTA TAX SALES FOR AUGUST 1972.” July 8, 1972; The Atlanta Constitution. “CITY OF ATLANTA TAX SALES FOR SEPTEMBER 1982.” August 10, 1982.
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28. Atlanta Daily World. “Harlan Terrance Club Plans Meet On January 29.” December 18, 1977.
29. Atlanta Daily World. “SOCIAL SWIRL: Club Activities, Party Honors, Showers and Visitors are Noted.” February 25, 1971; Atlanta Daily World. “Deltas Observe Annual May Week.” May 1, 1983; Atlanta Daily World. “CHARLES AND HARVIE LEE MASON CELEBRATE 50TH WEDDING ANNIVERSARY.” July 2004.
30. Atlanta Daily World. “Harlan Terrance Club Plans Meet On January 29.” December 18, 1977.
31. Atlanta Daily World. “Christmas Cheer Fund Needs Your Help Now.” December 3, 1972; Atlanta Daily World. “Small Contributions Add Up Towards Meeting Goal.” December 18, 1986; Atlanta Daily World. “There Will Be More Asking Our Help Than In Past Years.” December 19, 1991.
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38. Huff, Dominique. “MLK Drive Task Force declares corridor problems ‘Life or Death’ matters.” Home Rule News, September 5, 2018.
39. Prince, Chelsea, and John Spink. “APD: Witness shoots suspect after following him from deadly stabbing scene.” The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, August 15, 2022.
40. Hughes, Rosana. “1 killed in shooting at SW Atlanta shopping plaza.” The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, April 20, 2023.
41. Aaro, David. “16 displaced after fire at SW Atlanta apartment complex.” The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, September 18, 2024.
42. Harlan Terrace Community Club. Official Website (About Us, Initiatives, Amenities, Blog, Real Estate Insight, Events, Volunteer). Accessed July 19, 2026.
43. Chalet-Peyton Woods Community Association. “Proposed Housing Developement on Harris Manor @ Lisa Drive.” Neighborhood Link. May 12, 2001.
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48. Harlan Terrace Community Club. Official Website (About Us, Initiatives, Amenities, Blog, Real Estate Insight, Events, Volunteer). Accessed July 19, 2026.
49. Tarr, Delaney. “Invest Atlanta greenlights $18 million bond to Clark Atlanta University improvements.” SaportaReport, July 17, 2026.
50. Tarr, Delaney. “Invest Atlanta greenlights $18 million bond to Clark Atlanta University improvements.” SaportaReport, July 17, 2026.